The Russian Flu Pandemic
and its effect on the Welsh quarrying districts


Elin Tomos Twitter: @ELINtomos          Instagram: @elinnant

A Victorian make-shift hospital during the Russian Flu pandemic of 1889-93.

A Victorian make-shift hospital during the Russian Flu pandemic of 1889-93.


Fersiwn Cymraeg yma

“When we first heard ... that the disease was doing great damage in the east ...
in this country, we overlooked and even ridiculed the idea that a disease of this nature,
- just a common cold, so we thought at the time, - could cause such damage, discomfort and fear.
The infection spread rapidly to different countries, and we soon heard that it was ravaging Paris and Berlin.
Then, we experienced the attacks in this country, and in a short space of time it spread across every zone of the country,
attacking all ages and situations ... it was not a trivial disease and certainly not one to be dismissed.”

Y Genedl Gymreig, 17 June 1891, p. 7.

Although these words might feel scarily relevant today, they were in fact written a 130 years ago during the ‘Russian Flu’ pandemic of 1889-93.

In 1889, over forty years had passed since the last influenza pandemic. In the meantime, influenza had become a seasonal occurrence and while it still caused illness and deaths each Winter, doctors had become increasingly unconcerned, seeing it as nothing more than ‘a minor seasonal annoyance.’ The Russian Flu pandemic would not only demonstrate influenza’s power and danger but also force the medical establishment to analyse its nature and affects.

The world was a very different place back then and it’s complicated – and almost irresponsible –  for historians to try and draw comparisons between a pandemic that shook the lives of our ancestors and the very real history we’re all living through right now. In this blog, I will explore the ways the pandemic affected the north-west Wales quarrying districts and their inhabitants.


Historians agree that the pandemic began in the spring of 1889 in the Russian Empire (modern Uzbekistan) spreading along the main trading routes before arriving in St. Petersburg in November. Within a month the disease had hit Europe's major cities with numerous outbreaks in Vienna, Paris, and Berlin. On the continent, it followed the ever-growing railroads, spreading as infected people moved from place to place. Being able to follow its clear path confirmed the relatively new theory that infectious diseases were transmitted through contact with infected humans and not by the wind or other various means. It arrived in London in December 1889 and as people travelled home to spend Christmas with their families it soon spread to every corner of the UK.

During the next four years, Britain would experience four waves of the pandemic: January-February 1890, April-May 1891, January-February 1892 and December-January 1893-4.

Before the first wave arrived in north-west Wales, the monoglot quarryman and his family would have been very aware of its destructive path. Reports following the European epidemic had been plastered across Welsh-language newspapers for weeks.

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Baner ac Amser Cymru, front-page on 21 December 1889 – A Welsh language weekly newspaper launched by Thomas Gee. The paper propagated the Liberal and non-conformist point of view and had a wide circulation in the quarrying districts of Arfon and Meirionnydd.

By February 1890, the effects of the influenza were visible across the slate quarrying village. In the Llanberis district a high number of quarrymen were ill, The North Wales Express  reported that ‘as many as 300 of the men employed at Dinorwic Quarries were attacked… in one day last week.’[1] In Bethesda, ‘owing to the prevalence of influenza all of the schools in the district… [had] been closed for the last three weeks’, a large number of the Penrhyn quarrymen were also 'on the sick list.'[2] In the Nantlle Vale ‘a serious outbreak of influenza’ had occurred at ‘Groeslon, Llandwrog, near Carnarvon’ as a result, all the schools in the vicinity were closed. [3] Schools in the Ffestiniog district were also closed, it was reported that there was 'no house ... through the area where no one had been infected.'[4] By March 1890 over 2,000 Ffestiniog residents were allegedly suffering.[5]

'The symptoms are obvious enough although the illness does not affect everyone in the same manner…’ [6]

Symptoms varied, with patients typically experiencing fever that could last anything between five to fifteen days, they also suffered cold chills, especially in the lower back; excruciating muscle pain; a runny nose; watery and swollen eyes; sneezing and a dry cough; loss of appetite and the ability to smell.

While cholera was considered the curse of the lower orders, the Russian Flu struck all levels of society: the Russian Tsar, the Belgian King, the German Emperor, and the British Prime Minister all fell ill.

Queen Victoria’s grandson, Prince Albert Victor – who was second in line to the British throne – fell ill with influenza during the third wave. He died on the 14 January 1892.

Queen Victoria’s grandson, Prince Albert Victor – who was second in line to the British throne – fell ill with influenza during the third wave. He died on the 14 January 1892.

In the quarrying districts the servant and his master were equally exposed to its danger. In January 1891, Lord Penrhyn, the owner of Penrhyn Quarry in Bethesda was unable to judge an ‘important’ Glan Ogwen Church literary meeting since his wife, Lady Penrhyn (Gertrude Jessy Douglas-Pennant)  was ‘suffering under the effects of the influenza.’ [7] In March 1892, Charles Hussey Panton Vivian – the brother of W. W. Vivian, the Managing Director of Dinorwig Quarries – died following ‘an acute attack of influenza.’ [8] No one was safe!

Money of course enabled affluent families to pay for the services of a doctor. In the Victorian era basic health and welfare provision was administered under the terms of the 'New’ Poor Law of 1834. Officially - under the new Poor Law - parish relief was limited to indigent individuals only. A pauper could no longer claim parish assistance in his home. To receive relief, the individual had to venture through the workhouse gateway on deliberately cruel terms. Under the 1834 amendment, parishes across England and Wales were instructed to join forces to form Poor Unions. The responsibility for the building of Workhouses fell on these Unions and were to be built at the expense of the poor taxes. Across Wales, 48 new Unions were formed; in each Union property owners had the right to elect individuals on to the Board of Guardians, they in turn were responsible for administering aid to the poor. Unions were divided into districts, with each district appointing medical officers and vaccination officers who could cope with a reasonably sized population and area. It was their responsibility to look after the poor.

Lord Penrhyn,  George Sholto Gordon Douglas-Pennant.

Lord Penrhyn,
George Sholto Gordon Douglas-Pennant.

The Russian Flu placed considerable strain on local Boards of Guardians, their officers, and staff. Illness prevented individuals from working and earning a living, so naturally there was an increase in the number of people claiming parish relief. In July 1891, Ffestiniog Union saw a significant increase in the reliance on parish aid, 'owing to the recent outbreak of influenza,’[8] The Master of Penrhyndeudraeth Workhouse complained that a high number of paupers had been infected and that staff were unable to cope; he felt that it was impossible 'for the matron to act as matron and nurse.'[9]

Union officials and staff were themselves vulnerable as they came into close contact with tens of infected patients every day. In Llanddeiniolen, 'W. R. Whiteside, Relieving Officer for the … district died in February 1890 - 'he was attacked by the prevailing epidemic.’[10]

Since the 1830s across the slate communities, a network of diverse friendly societies had been formed. They were essentially organizations where men who knew each other or followed the same occupation paid regular money towards a common fund. During times of hardship the men were able to turn to their fund for help. Their main purpose was to secure an income for the employee during a period of sickness as well as to cover any funeral costs. Mutual aid organizations such as friendly societies enabled the working-classes to protect themselves against illness and prevent them from relying on charity. Although some of the strict government laws encouraged men to form friendly societies, they were not organizations that were directly derived from legislation; they were founded because of the brotherhood that existed among ordinary men.

Friendly societies were organizations that grew and shrunk throughout their existence, they relied on a consistent financial foundation, a foundation that was maintained by their members' subscriptions. During the pandemic, quarrymen relied heavily on the funds of their societies. With so many men now relying solely on the financial support of their societies, many societies' funds began to suffer. The Report of Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies on Friendly Societies, with Summary of Annual Reports, show that a considerable number of friendly societies in the quarrying villages experienced great losses during 1891.

That year, the Cymdeithas Glannau Gwyrfai, Waunfawr (213 members) had received subscriptions worth £ 3,815, but had paid out £ 6,802 in benefits, which means that the society had made a loss of £ 2,328 for that year, a figure that equates to £ 188,000 in today's money! In a bid to restore the situation in the Besthesda district Lord Penrhyn offered to donate a £ 100 to the Penrhyn Benefits Club… on the condition that the workers themselves also contribute two pence a month for nine months![11]

The quarrying communities of Dyffryn Peris experienced a severe influenza outbreak in May 1891. On 1 May, the Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald newspaper reported that there were over 280 cases in Llanberis alone, ‘chiefly workmen employed at Mr. Assheton Smith's slate quarries.’[12] Within a week the Baner ac Amserau Cymru newspaper reported that there were over 400 patients in Llanddeiniolen, the reporter complained that ‘whole families were down from its effects’ and that in Llanrug two members of the same family had died.[13] One elderly woman from Llanberis had decided – due to the destructive nature of the outbreak – that ‘influential’ was a far better name than ‘influenza.’[14]

Dinorwig quarrymen c. 1880,  Isaac Hughes collection,  a photographer residing in Llanberis

Dinorwig quarrymen c. 1880,
Isaac Hughes collection,
a photographer residing in Llanberis

By mid-May it was reported that around ‘five hundred Llanberis quarrymen were ill.’ [15] Several delegates from 'Dinorwig and Llanberis' failed to attend the Annual Conference of the North Wales Quarrymen's Union held at the 'Assembly Rooms, Blaenau Ffestiniog' due to their 'suffering under the influenza.’ [16]

During the outbreak, the doctors working at the Dinorwig Quarry Hospital saw over one hundred patients a day. One quarryman wrote to the editor of Baner ac Amserau Cymru to praise the care that was provided there; he reported that the doctors had dealt with ‘[a] huge assembly of patients every day… however, each individual case [was] dealt carefully, honestly and quickly.’ [17]

For those unable to obtain medical treatment in an established hospital, relatives would provide care at home. Self-help columns offered simple and practical advice:

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‘Medication. Directions to cure Influenza’ Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 15 January 1890, p. 4.

It was important that a patient received plenty of rest and warmth. When suspecting that a relative was suffering, the patient should be sent immediately to bed. Before allowing the patient to lie in their bed it was crucial to warm it thoroughly, this could be done by placing two boiling hot bricks wrapped in material inside the bed. Nourishing food was also an important factor, the patient should eat oatmeal gruel, bread with milk and plenty of beef tea [18]. 

Government Advice to Protect the Population - Printed in Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 20 February 1892, p. 5.

Government Advice to Protect the Population - Printed in Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 20 February 1892, p. 5.

Throughout the pandemic the medical establishment constantly complained and warned against the dangers of patients self-medicating. It was warned that housewives should send for a doctor at once ‘instead of relying upon the wide-range of medications recommended by so-and-so.’[19]  The patient should always consult an experienced doctor as this was ‘far wiser than the patient attempting to self-medicate.’[20]

A doctor’s services came at a cost and many wives headed to the local pharmacy to buy the latest ‘cure-all’ potion. The widely distributed Carbolic Smoke Ball was one popular cure. The Smoke Ball was a rubber ball filled with carbolic acid, attached to the ball were two rubber tubes. These tubes were to be placed in the patient’s nostrils. While the contraption was attached the patient would gently squeeze the ball to release toxic fumes which would cause the nose to run and therefore would ‘get rid’ of the virus.

Adverts for the Carbolic Smoke Ball appeared in several popular Welsh newspapers including Baner ac Amserau Cymru and the Goleuad - a weekly Welsh language newspaper, supportive of liberal politics and which circulated for the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists throughout Wales.

‘Every nursery should have a Smoke Ball.’

‘Every nursery should have a Smoke Ball.’

Shops and pharmacists also reported an increase in the sales of quinine. The effectiveness of quinine to treat the symptoms of influenza divided medical opinion. Although quinine had proved effective to treat fever in colonial troops suffering from malaria it could also cause severe stomach cramps. The infamous ‘Gwilym Evans Quinine Bitters’ of Llanelli proved exceptionally popular. I wonder how many quarrymen’s wives in Llanberis visited the ‘druggist’ Richard Hughes at his home in Dol Peris to buy the Carbolic Smoke Ball or Gwilym Evans’ marvellous Quinine Bitters?

Richard Hughes, the local pharmacist, his wife Jane, and their daughter Katherine.

Richard Hughes, the local pharmacist, his wife Jane, and their daughter Katherine.


My aim in this blog is to provide a snapshot of the impact of the Russian Flu on the quarrying communities of north west Wales a 130 years ago, but reading the numerous reports that filled the pages of the popular Welsh press it’s impossible to avoid the fact that so much of its content rings true today.


[1]The North Wales Express, 28 February 1890, p. 8.

[2] Ibid, 21 February 1890, p. 8.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 22 February 1890, p. 5.

[5] Ibid., 12 Mawrth 1890, p. 13.

[6] Y Cymro, 5 February 1891, p. 7.

[7] Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 18 March 1892, p. 7.

[8]The North Wales Express 21 February 1890, p. 6.

[9]Ibid.,

[10] Ibid., 28 February 1890, p. 8.

[11] Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 3 May 1891, p. 4.

[12] Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 1 May 1891, p. 4.

[13] Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 9 May 1891, p. 6.

[14] Y Genedl Gymreig, 27 May 1891, p. 5.

[15] Ibid., 16 May 1891, p. 4.

[16] Ibid., 20 May 1891, p. 8.

[17] Ibid., 13 May 1891, p. 7.

[18] Papur Pawb, 13 April 1895, p. 12.

[19] Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 15 January 1890, p. 4.